Monthly Archives: March 2010

Nairn and Kingsbury on threats to Nairn for exposing Kopassus crimes

video, audio here

March 24, 2010Journalist Allan Nairn Facing Possible Arrest in
Indonesia for Exposing US-Backed Forces Assassinated Civilians

In Indonesia, investigative journalist Allan Nairn is facing possible
arrest for exposing that US-backed Indonesian armed forces assassinated
a series of civilian activists last year. Since Allan Nairn broke the
news of the assassination program on Democracy Now! on Friday, the
Indonesian press has been buzzing with the allegations. A military
spokesman told the Jakarta Globe that the military is considering legal
action against Nairn. Earlier today, Nairn issued a public challenge to
the Indonesian military to arrest him so that he could face off with
the military in open court.

Washington’s Indonesian Bully Boys

The Nation


March 22, 2010
According to senior Indonesian officials and police and details from government files, the US-backed Indonesian armed forces (TNI), now due for fresh American aid, assassinated a series of civilian activists during 2009.

The killings were part of a secret government program, authorized from Jakarta, and were coordinated in part by an active-duty, US-trained general in the special forces unit called Kopassus who has just acknowledged on the record that his TNI men had a role in the killings.

The news comes as President Barack Obama is reportedly due to announce that he is reversing longstanding US policy–imposed by Congress in response to grassroots pressure–of restricting categories of US assistance to TNI, a force which, during its years of US training, has killed hundreds of thousands of civilians.

The revelation could prove problematic for Obama, since his rationale for restoring the aid has been the claim that TNI no longer murders civilians. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton told Congress that the issue is whether there is a “resumption” of atrocities, but in fact they have not stopped. TNI still practices political murder.

A senior Indonesian official who meets frequently with top commanders and with the president of Indonesia says that the assassinations were authorized by “higher ups in Jakarta.” He provided detailed accounts of certain aspects of the program, including the names of victims, the methods and the names of some perpetrators.

The details cited in this piece were verified by other officials, including senior members of POLRI, the Indonesian national police. Some were also verified by the Kopassus general who helped run the killings. The senior official spoke because he said he disagreed with the assassinations. He declined to be quoted by name out of fear for his position and personal safety.

Verified details that are known so far concern a series of assassinations and bombings in Aceh–on the western tip of the island of Sumatra–where local elections were being contested by the historically pro-independence Partai Aceh (PA), a descendant of the old pro-independence GAM (Free Aceh) rebel movement.

At least eight PA activists were assassinated in the run-up to the April elections. The killings were, according to the officials with knowledge of the program, an attempt to disorient PA supporters and pressure the party to not discuss independence–an act regarded as proscribed speech, not just in Aceh but across Indonesia under edicts from the country’s president, Gen. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

One of the PA activists, Tumijan, age 35, a palm oil worker from Nagan Raya, was abducted and found two days later in a sewage ditch. His throat was slit, his body mutilated and bound with electrical wire. His corpse appeared near an army outpost. Some of his family blamed the security forces, and, as has happened frequently in such cases, started receiving anonymous death threats.

Another PA activist, Dedi Novandi, age 33, known as Abu Karim, was sitting in his car outside his house with the driver’s side window cracked open when a plainclothes man strolled up with a pistol and put two bullets in his head. A POLRI official with detailed knowledge of the crime called it a professional killing, employing lookouts and advance surveillance of the movements of Abu Karim.

As it happened, hours earlier Karim had sat down with a member of a World Bank-sponsored delegation and expressed his worry about the pre-election killings of PA people as well as a series of arson and grenade attacks on PA offices.

Soon after, the BBC came to the scene of the Abu Karim murder. Its correspondent, Lucy Williamson, quoted one of the neighbors as saying that she “thinks it strange the police have not found the people who killed [Abu Karim]. ‘Maybe it’s because there were no witnesses,’ she said. ‘And I think it’s weird that there were no witnesses but what can I say? Everyone said they didn’t see anything.’ ”

“Inside the house,” Williamson continued, “Abu Karim’s wife, Cut Dede, watches nervously over her four-year-old son. Like many people here she is in no doubt this was a political killing.”

In fact, according to the senior official and the others who confirmed him, the Tumijan and Abu Karim murders were part of the TNI assassination program coordinated on the provincial level at that time by General Sunarko, the PANGDAM Aceh (chief of TNI forces in the region).

Sunarko had recently been sent to Aceh by the president, General Susilo, after having been the nationwide commander of Kopassus, the TNI Special Forces. Prior to that, General Sunarko had been the chief of staff of Kostrad, the TNI army’s huge Strategic Reserve Command, which operates across the archipelago and is headquartered in Jakarta near the presidential palace.

Sunarko had been elevated to these key posts after overseeing militias in occupied Timor. He was a Kopassus intelligence chief there during the 1999 TNI terror, an operation that included mass arson and assassinations and was launched while the East Timorese were preparing to vote for independence.

The 2009 PA killings occurred across Aceh. The Abu Karim murder, in Bireuen, was said by the officials to have been managed for General Sunarko by Lt. Col. R. Suharto, the local TNI army commander, using troops aided by civilians from the old military-sponsored FORKAB and PETA militias.

Lt. Col. Suharto has long worked with the TNI’s BAIS intelligence unit, which played an integral role in these assassinations and others nationwide, and is famous for its killings and torture in formerly occupied Timor and, currently, in de facto occupied Papua.

When I asked knowledgeable POLRI officials about Lt. Col. Suharto and the killing of Abu Karim, they became as nervous as the neighbors cited in the BBC report.

They reluctantly discussed his role, but privately. We then went on the record and I asked whether Lt. Col. Suharto had in fact run the Abu Karim and other assassinations, and further asked whether he was among those still running “black operations.” The key POLRI official did not deny anything but instead said “I cannot comment on that,” and then insisted that his name not be attached to even that remark.

On Friday, around 10:30 pm Western Indonesia Time, I called Lt. Col. Suharto’s cell phone. There was no answer so I sent a text message and he replied by text asking who it was. I told him and we began a text message exchange that lasted until after midnight. In the midst of the texts I tried to call him five times, but each time he merely let the phone ring.

By text, Lt. Col Suharto asked me where I was, and then, how I’d gotten his number. He asked me why I wanted to speak to him. I replied, to discuss the PA assassinations, including that of Abu Karim. Suharto wrote back that that was a police matter. I asked him if TNI did the killings. Lt. Col. Suharto replied no, and then I asked by text, “So, does that mean you know who the killers are?” He said no to that too, so then I asked him, “So how can you know TNI wasn’t involved?”

At that point, Lt. Col. Suharto disconnected his cell phone. I tried to call but got a phone company recording. I then sent a text message asking whether he, Lt. Col. Suharto, was “involved in the murder of Abu Karim, or the murders of other PA activists.” Phone-company signaling indicates that that message was delivered, but as of now, Lt. Col. Suharto has not replied.

Militia members have said that Lt. Col Suharto’s men also burned and threw grenades at the PA offices. But all this was apparently only one small part of the operation. In Nagan Raya, in another part of Aceh, the snatching and assassination of Tumijan was carried out by another TNI team, also working under General Sunarko. This is according to numerous officials, including some from POLRI–and, in part, according to General Sunarko himself.

In the Tumijan murder the evidence includes not just statements by inside officials but also a complex series of actions, including the unpublicized detention of some of the low-level hit men who were subordinates of Gen. Sunarko.

The senior Indonesian official who first spoke of the assassination program said that Tumijan had been taken and finished off by a group of young Kopassus and other soldiers who, as in the Abu Karim case, also used civilians from TNI’s old militias. He gave the names of some of them, the soldiers Capt. Wahyu and Oktavianus, and the civilian TNI-run militia followers Muhyari, Supardi, Kadir, Herwan, M. Yasin, Suprayogi, Tahmid and Suparno.

He then made the remarkable claim that though no outsider yet knew it, these lower-ranking killers of Tumijan had been secretly detained and held for many months as part of a sensitive political deal involving POLRI, TNI and officials who had unexpectedly gotten wind of certain aspects of the still-secret TNI assassination program.

POLRI, he, said, agreed to take the militiamen, the military police handled two of the soldiers, and the officials who had stumbled upon the operation agreed to not discuss it publicly, as did POLRI, which never announced the detentions and never attempted to charge the men. Most important, the detentions were confined to street operatives in just one of the murders. The more senior officers were left untouched to continue the operation.

POLRI officials I spoke to confirmed the senior official’s account. But they did so with evident reluctance, even fear. They made it clear that they had no intention of going after the “higher ups in Jakarta,” or General Sunarko–or even Lt. Col. Suharto, who is a mere local commander.

POLRI also kills and tortures civilians, and mounts joint task forces with TNI, but they are fierce institutional rivals, wrestling for money, power and extortion turf, and though POLRI has recently ascended somewhat, TNI still has more guns and cash, and it lacks POLRI’s political burden of having to claim that it’s enforcing the laws against murder.

On Thursday, I reached the Aceh POLRI commander, Police General Aditya, on his cell phone, and though he first said he would only speak privately, face to face, and then tried to end the conversation, he did confirm–for the first time publicly–that the lower-level hit men in the Tumijan assassination had indeed been detained. When I asked him if it was true that TNI General Sunarko had in fact supervised assassinations of activists, Police General Aditya replied, “It is not in my capacity to disclose that information,” and abruptly hung up the phone.

On Friday, I reached General Sunarko on his cell phone and asked him about the assassinations, and Sunarko acknowledged that his TNI men had a role in the killings. But he said that assassinations by TNI officers and men should not necessarily be classified as being official acts of TNI “as an institution.” General Sunarko was remarkably calm. Though it was not yet public, he knew about the detention of his subordinates for the Tumijan murder (General Sunarko raised the matter before I mentioned it), but the general indicated that he was not worried about any follow-up action by POLRI or other authorities.

General Sunarko seemed familiar with the Tumijan killing, and said that Capt. Wahyu and Oktavianus, two of those detained, had worked for his, Sunarko’s, then-headquarters in Aceh, the Iskandar Muda regional KODAM (the command covering all of Aceh). When I asked specifically if he, General Sunarko, was involved in the assassinations, he responded lightheartedly, “That would be the work of a crazy person,” he said, “and I am not yet crazy.”

When I asked General Sunarko about his subordinate, Lt. Col. Suharto, he said that he knew him well, but when I asked him if Lt. Col. Suharto had run the killing of Abu Karim, General Sunarko replied, “I don’t know,” but then added, “If that had happened, I’d know.”

General Sunarko also said, before I broached the matter of the assassinations, that he was an enthusiastic supporter of President Obama’s plan to boost aid to Kopassus and to TNI generally. Sunarko said that the United States and TNI had had a long, close partnership that had “raised the capacity of TNI,” and that Obama’s restoration of aid would make for “a still more intimate [akrab] collaboration.”

The general said that he was himself was a longtime colleague and admirer of US forces, having received US training at various sites in Indonesia “many times” since the 1980s. Using the English-language names of some of the courses and of the US units that gave them, he said that US Army instructors in Mobile Training Teams (MTTs) from the Pentagon’s Pacific Command (PACOM, in Hawaii) had trained him in Jungle Warfare and Logistics as well as in other subjects that he did not name. He said his US training included special exercises in 1994 and 1998, and that his fellow TNI trainees included other Kopassus and Kostrad men. General Sunarko said his most recent US training was in 2006, when he was the chief of staff of Kostrad, soon to become the Kopassus commander.

The general also suggested that the training was good for the Americans too, since it enabled TNI and the US military to “learn lessons from each other,” and best situated the US to “get what it needs” from TNI.

President Obama had been due to leave for Indonesia today, but the visit has been postponed. Still on the table is a big aid package for TNI, negotiated over recent months, the political centerpiece of which is an apparent renewal of open aid for Kopassus.

Though most every unit of TNI (and POLRI) has been implicated in mass atrocities, those of Kopassus are the most notorious, and, as its former commander, the US-trained General Prabowo, once told me, it has historically been the unit most closely identified with Washington. It was thus especially galling to TNI when US activists, myself included, were able to successfully press Congress to interrupt US aid to Kopassus in the 1990s.

Obama’s planned renewal of aid to Kopassus is now awaited by TNI as sweet vindication, and by many of the survivors of TNI terror as America’s green light for more.

But, as with most of the other atrocities by TNI, the assassination program reported in this piece involves multiple TNI components beyond Kopassus: Kopassus, but also BAIS intelligence and the mainline regional and local commands, KODAM, KOREM and KODIM, all of them, most importantly, reporting ultimately to the national TNI commanders and other “higher ups in Jakarta.”

And regardless of whether the US restores the aid for Kopassus, TNI as a whole already has the green light. There are now 2,800 TNI men reportedly being trained in the United States (this according to Indonesia’s defense minister; see Olivia Rondonuwu and Ed Davies, “Interview–Indonesia Sees U.S. Lifting Military Training Ban,” Reuters, March 4), and Obama’s Pentagon is pushing weapons and equipment sales and US loans that would further empower TNI overall.

That being said, Kopassus does indeed have a special swagger and symbolic potency. During the recent Obama-TNI aid negotiations in anticipation of his trip, the Kopassus commanding general came to Washington and was welcomed by the Obama team. Back in Indonesia, also during the talks, a Kopassus man felt confident enough to attempt to board a commercial flight out of Aceh while carrying a pistol fitted with a silencer–a classic assassination weapon. This was of interest to the Indonesian official who described the incident, because one victim in Aceh had apparently been executed with a silenced pistol, at night (the victim’s roommate didn’t awaken).

An airport security man affiliated with the air force took the Kopassus man’s pistol away, but later, a Kopassus delegation arrived and made him give it back.

Allan Nairn is an award-winning journalist whose writings have focused on the role of the United States in subverting governments abroad, with a particular emphasis on Guatemala, Haiti and Indonesia, including East Timor. His 1994 article for The Nation on covert US policy in Haiti was awarded the George Polk Award for Civic Journalism.

Kopassus Implicated in New Assassinations

Report by Democracy Now on the continued atrocities by Kopassus in Indonesia in light of Obama’s attemp to renew military aid.

Kopassus were notoriously brutal in East Timor during the occupation and have continued their practises in Aceh and Papua.

Democracy Now on Kopassuss

Victims families and NGOs: US military must not train members of Kopassus

Four of Indonesia’s leading human rights organisations have issued a
Joint Statement today rejecting US military training for members of

In their Joint Statement, they said:

Since 1997, the Leahy Law in the US has prohibited military
assistance to military units which have been involved in human rights
violations. By virtue of the Leahy Law, the US government in 1997
halted training for members of Kopassus because of their involvement
in a number of incidents of human rights violations such as the
forced disappearance of Indonesian activists in 1997-98, acts of
violence in East Timor and the murder of the Papuan leader Theys Hiyo
Eluay in November 2001.

The Leahy Law states that the Indonesian government must first take
effective legal action against the members of Kopassus who were
involved in these human rights violations if it wishes to restore
joint military training, including providing assistance to Kopassus.
This is clearly a sign that the US intends to uphold respect for
human rights and comply with the demands for justice from the victims
of these incidents.

But now, with the forthcoming visit to Indonesia of US President
Barack Obama, there have been calls for joint training programmes for
Kopassus to be resumed. Yet, as we know, the incidents of human
rights violations involving Kopassus have not yet been dealt with by
the Indonesian government (the names of the officers are given
below). The case of the disappeared in 1997-98 is still in limbo with
no clarity on what will happen although a plenary session of the
Indonesian Parliament (DPR) adopted four recommendations for
implementation by the Indonesian government. (See below)

There has been talk recently about ending the ban on joint military
programmes with the Indonesian military following the visit to
Washington of four Indonesian generals including General Lodewijk
Paulus, commander of Kopassus, to lobby the US government. The
Indonesian minister of defence Purnomo Yusgiantoro has said that he
feels very optimistic that US collaboration with Kopassus will be
resumed, after speaking to the US Pacific Region commander, Marshall
Robert F Willard during his visit to Jakarta in February this year.

All this discussion about ending the ban on programmes of joint
collaboration is a sign that the government regards these past
incidents as having been resolved, while nothing has been done to
restore the rights of the victims or punish those who were responsible.

Another example is the Mawar Team composed of eleven Kopassus
officers who kidnapped and caused the disappearance of activists in
1997-98. Although the Mawar Team case was dealt with by a court in
1999, the fact is that the seven Kopassus officers are still on
active service and all have been promoted.

In view of the above, we reject the proposal to end the ban on giving
training to members of Kopassus, an elite military force in
Indonesia. On the other hand, we would have no objection to ending
the ban on the following conditions:

Firstly, that the Indonesian government resolves the cases of humn
rights violations which involved Kopassus and other units of the
security forces, and secondly, that the government take action to
ensure that similar human rights violations do not occur.

We also call on the Indonesian government to implement the
recommendations of the DPR on 28 September 2009 regarding the
disappearance of activists in 1997-98. The Indonesian President, SBY,
must take urgent action by issuing a presidential decree to set up a
team to investigate the disappearance of the activists in 1997-97, as
well as restoring the rights of the victims and families of those who
disappeared in 1997-98.

Jakarta, 18 March 2010

Mugiyanto, IKOHI – the Families of the Disappeared.
Usman Hami, KontraS
Poengky Indarti, Imparsial
Atnike Nova Sigiro, ELHAM

Punishment of officers who were members of the Team Mawar:

1. Major Bambang Kristiano, sentenced to 22 months, and dismissed.
2. Captain F. Musthazar, sentenced tp 20 months, and dismissed.
3. Captain Nugroho Sulistyo, sentenced to 20 months and dismissed.
4. Captain Yulius Selvanus,sentenced to 20 months and dismissed.
5. Captain Untung Budi, sentenced to 20 months and dismissed.
6. Captain Dadang Hendra, sentenced to 16 months
7. Captain Djaka Budi Utama, sentenced to 16 months
8. Captain Fauka Noor Farid, sentenced to 16 months
9. Sergeant Sunarsyo, sentenced to 12 months
10. Sergeant Sigit Sunaryo, sentenced to 12 months
11 Sergeant Sukadi, sentenced to 12 months.

[We presume that the latter six are the ones still on active service,
although a figure of seven in mentioned in the statement.)

Recommendations of the DPR:

1. That the President should set up an ad hoc Human Rights Court
2. That the President and all relevant state institutions should
conduct a search for the 13 disappeared activists.
3. That the government should rehabilitate and grant compensation to
the families of the disappeared.
4. That the government should without delay ratify the International
Covenant Against Enforced Disappearances as a sign of its commitment
to and support for action against the practice of enforced
disappearances in Indonesia

Posters displaying the face of Wiji Thukul, one of the disappeared,
thought to have been a victim of Kopassus actions.and posters of the
faces of the other disappeared are regularly displayed at

Timor-Leste campaign for Sanitation

Timor-Leste starts world – record campaign to save lives of 4000
children a day

On monday 22 March Government and Water Sector Agencies in Dili
will form a queue before a model toilet to raise awareness on
sanitation among the Politicians, Government, Civil society and
Individuals in Timor-Leste and to urge international agencies to
tackle the global sanitation crisis.

This event is being organized in front of Palacio do Governo (Prime-
minister office) from 3 pm to 5 pm.

We are expecting prime minister, ministers, parliamentarian, government
staffs, members of civil society, school children and individual
citizens to join the queue.

This event will mark UN World Water Day, the queue will see tens of
thousands of people in over 60 countries – from Australia to Zambia –
for the toilet to draw attention to the fact that 4,000 children die
every day because of lack of access to sanitation and safe water.

Government In Timor-Leste, is starting to prioritize sanitation, and
are hosting the queue to express its continuing commitment for
sanitation and will call on the International Aid Agencies to take
action at the first ever High Level Meeting on Water and Sanitation
taking place in Washington on 23 rd of April to allocate enough funding
for Sanitation.

Lack of access to clean water and basic sanitation affects more than 2.6
billion people globally and 4000 children under the age of five die
every day from preventable illnesses such as diarrhea, typhoid, cholera
and dysentery.

In Timor-Leste, Diarrohea is leading cause of under five child death.
1020 children die per year which is 22% of total 5000 children that die
every year.

A recent report demonstrates that the health costs of inadequate water
and sanitation in Timor Leste are US$ 17 m, equivalent to 4.8% of GDP
in 2006.

This event aims to confirm Government of Timor-Leste’s commitment to
tackle this crisis and urge the global governments to commit to taking
action to provide the world’s poorest with access to both clean water
and safe sanitation.

*For further details: Sr. Joao Piadade, Chief of Sanitation Department –
DNSAS, hp: 7258718*

For more information see

Worldbank/Xanana’s policies in Timor

Dear all,

The same policies of privatisation were foisted on the people of
Britain, our governments Conservative and New Labour (Tories in
disguise) followed the American example which was lauded as the way to
prosperity for all. Well we have ‘third world poverty’* a plenty,
buses that don’t turn up, trains that are too expensive for ordinary
people to use, no coal mines, no steel or shipbuilding industries
– the people of Britain do not even own their own water, its been
privatised, it was owned by SITA, a French company but its been sold
off, not sure who to – all I know is it ain’t accountable to me or
anyone else here. Could carry on with what has been privatised in the
name of ‘a better way’ but think you will get the picture.

Our politicians are corrupt, when Thatcher was in power her son was
selling arms to Iran and Iraq, awarded the contracts by his loving
mother who did not care whose sons were killed as long as hers got
rich.* Blair continued the policies implemented by Thatcher, for waging
war on the peoples of Iraq Blair has earned £12 million pound since
leaving Downing Street, including £2.5 million from JP Morgan, who took
over the banking system in post-invasion Iraq.*

Britain has huge debts, our banking system had to be bailed out last
year with money that would have better gone to improving schools,
health care etc. our money, our taxes, even after being bailed out the
banks awarded their directors huge bonuses
– our elite leaders followed the world bank in its wisdom of privatise
the air your people breathe.

Attended a lecture given by Ramos-Horta in Bradford recently, he
mentioned the collapse of the Soviet Union and how ‘third world
countries’* like Timor-Leste, were now paying for following the wrong
ideologies – think this was an allusion to Timor should have followed
the capitalist ideology, well it seems that this system has now become
the model in Timor under Xanana’s government. What Horta did not
seem to understand (maybe he does) was that the capitalist system has
brought war, misery and poverty to billions of people including
peoples in Britain, America and possibly Australia – peoples in
mainland Europe have fared better as some socialist policies are still
followed. If the capitalist system of private profit above the
welfare of the people had not been bailed out time and time again
with taxpayers money it too would have collapsed just as the Russian
system collapsed. Ramos-Horta did not mention Cuba, a country that
despite sanctions imposed on it by western countries, continues its
socialist policies of people before profit and not only has a first
class health and schooling system for its own people but exports it
all over the world inclulding to Timor-Leste – interesting that when
there are disasters all over the world Cuba responds positively,
making sure that help gets to the people, and not to businesses.

Will return to Ramos-Horta’s lecture at a later date, their were
many questions myself and a friend who had travelled down with me from
Newcastle wanted to ask, but Horta only took safe questions and very
few at that. Timorese who attended were disappointed that he
did not take their questions, indeed he did not even acknowledge their

Its laudable that the Tempo Semanal continues to highlight the
practise’s being implemented and imposed on the Timorese people,
activists here still struggle to bring about a just and fair society.

Lidia Tindle
Tyneside East Timor Solidarity.


Iraq The People’s Dossier
Jonathan Coe ‘What a Carve Up’
A body of work by John Pilger and Noam Chomsky

*’Third World Countries’ – hate this phrase it creates division, we
belong to one world.

> The Timorese private sector is the hope of the country. The
> Government of Timor-Leste and the international community
> consistently state that their programs and policies are designed to
> empower the Timorese private sector to the point where it can provide
> for the employment and prosperity of Timor-Leste’s rapidly growing
> population. However it would appear that the Government of
> Timor-Leste and the international community are more interested in
> empowering cronies, and perhaps even crooks, than in assisting the
> small to medium sized business in Timor-Leste’s districts.
> The almost $80 million Pakote Referendum initiative was created by the
> Government of Timor-Leste in August 2009 and implemented by Julio
> Alvaro the President of the Forum Empresario de Timor-Leste (The
> Business Forum of Timor-Leste). Mr. Alvaro was responsible for
> creating an implementation structure known as AECCOP across the
> country which decided who would get the projects ranging in size from
> $20,000 and up. This structure has awarded hundreds of contracts to
> hundreds of businesses. Tempo Semanal will reveal the details of
> these projects in full in a soon to be released edition, as it has
> obtained complete records for the Pakote referendum in 11
> companies which is a shareholder or an owner.
> Furthermore, when certifying Pakote Referendum projects he is going to
> give to himself he does so under his own signature – demonstrating he
> has political protection. In the case illustrated in the below photo
> of a list of pakote referendum projects for power lines to be set up
> between Laga and Baguia in Baucau Mr. Alvaro certifies his own Company
> Alvarado to receive a contract with $4.6 million (reported previously
> on March 8 2010 in Tetun)
> Alvaro uses the people’s money for himself.
> Also, when delivering projects to the Government Mr. Alvaro’s company
> has shown a tendency to over bill. He has knowledge of procurement
> requirements, is involved in decisions as to who will win contracts
> (ie himself) and will then over charge the Government. In the case of
> the installation of power lines between Laga and Baguia his firm were
> awarded the contract for a job that the Secterary of State of
> Electricity deemed to be a $3 million dollar project – but Mr. Alvaro
> through AECCOP/Pakote paid his firms $4 million.
> The Worldbank and the IFC are involved in something called the Better
> Business Initiative in Timor-Leste. Its objectives being
> Facilitate dialogue between the government of Timor-Leste and the
> private sector, which
> includes the broadest private sector participation possible, including
> the districts;
> • Assist the Timor-Leste government in developing the private sector;
> • Remove the barriers that businesses face with regard to entry and
> exit;
> • Promote consistent enforcement and non-discretionary interpretation
> of laws and
> regulations;
> • Provide feedback on various government policies affecting the
> private sector;
> • Provide feedback on draft government laws and regulations that could
> affect the private
> sector.
> However, while the Worldbank and IFC have rules about procuring goods
> and services from firms it deems corrupt and puts them on a blacklist,
> they seem to have little problem working on governance issues with a
> Government that may be corrupt, and in this case the leadership of a
> national business forum which may be corrupt.
> Perhaps Julio Alvaro’s company Alvarado should be blacklisted.
> Although this is unlikely as the Worldbank/IFC require his good
> graces in order to promote the so-called Better Business Initiative.
> As in the case of UNMIT the Worldbank/IFC is more interested in
> colluding with cronies and crooks than promoting good practices in
> the interests of common Timorese.
> —
> Posted By TEMPO SEMANAL to TEMPO SEMANAL on 3/16/2010 07:50:00 AM

Taur Beats Down Portuguese in the Courts of Timor-Leste.

Major General Taur Matan Ruak interviewed in Metinaro last week speaks
out aggressively against the ongoing use of Portuguese in Timor-Leste’
courts. Claiming that common Timorese who find accused cannot
understand the charges, processes, verdicts and sentencing. He states
that every international staff in the court system should either learn
Tetun or leave the country.

In 2001 the Constituent Assembly adopted Portuguese as an official
language in what was a generally unpopular decision as the vast
majority of Timorese do not speak, understand or read Portuguese.

Posted By TEMPO SEMANAL to TEMPO SEMANAL on 3/16/2010 08:01:00 AM