This is written by former F-FDTL officer Lt. Col. Donaciano Gomes AKA Pedro Klamar Fuik. He was from late 2005 to July 2006 a military advisor to the then President Gusmao. He is a relatively young man who was previous to 1999 in the clandestine resistance, having actually escaped to Australia in the late 1990’s. He was a Gusmao hand picked person to join the high command of the F-FDTL when it was set up, going straight into the rank of Lt. Col. He was a Gusmao “insider” and did his bidding post F-FDTL formation until he resigned late last year. He is now studying in Portugal. Prior to the crisis he was the go-between between Xanana and the F-FDTL over the Petitioners issue. He was quoted by Xanana in his 22 March 2006 speech as the source of a false information that Brig Gen Ruak had said about the Petitioners “they want war? Let them come and we will have a war.” In the middle of the crisis he ran off to Oecussi to avoid getting caught up in it all. He was also the favourite of the Aust and US defence cooperation people, having travelled to the USA on their funds at least three times. He must have known something to writing this stuff. This opinion piece which appeared in Jornal Nacional Diario has only been partially translated from Portuguese to English. .
Please put it on the ETAN list.
Multi-impact Operations Provoked the Timorese Crisis
By: Lt. Col. Donaciano Gomes (Klamarfuik – Wild Spirit)
Foreign operations characterized by DIME (Diplomatic, Information, Military, Economic), typical of the Saxon mode were carried out successfully in Timor-Leste affecting Timor-Leste’s vulnerabilities and having destructive multiple effects on the process of the construction of the RDTL State, transforming itself into a chronic and prolonged crisis.
The final desired state from this type of operation was, and continues to be, an attempt at political domination and permanent influence over Timor-Leste as an area of their strategic interest. Through these operations the final objectives were achieved by use of various forms of sequenced actions, namely:
1). Military objective: The fragmentation of the F-FDTL and the National Police, destroying their prestige and gaining control over these institutions and their strategic development – the main final objective;
2). Diplomatic objective: Breeding transversal lobbies to stimulate popular anti-democratic political behavior, with the view of constantly dismissing those governments antagonistic to their interests; a flagrant example being the forced removal of the Mari Alkatiri government by force of the circumstances created and creating precedents for its repetition;
3). Information objective: Breeding a sense of mistrust in relation to the State institutions of the RDTL and their institutions and their institutional fragmentation, through instigated of campaigns, the dissemination of false information and political propaganda of ideological persecution, which on the other hand also aims at fragmenting ethnic and generational differences;
4). Economic objective: The effects attained in 1, 2 and 3 provoking a break in social conduct and structure of the people, automatically affecting the normal cycle of the national economic life.
In order to have a sustainable framework from the effects of DIME, a political contour was created that was conducive and synchronized to suit the operations undertaken, targeting international legitimacy and legality for effecting intervention by military force (an act of aggression against Timorese sovereignty) under the cover of an array of humanitarian assistance and conflict prevention missions.
In this conjuncture, it was impossible for Timor-Leste to avoid the scenarios which evolved into a Crisis, given the inexperience and bad management of the decision makers of the State. One more lesson registered for the process of maturing of the Timorese leadership. Timor-Leste was, and continues to be a permanent stage for foreign strategic operations.