Monthly Archives: November 2007

E Timor troops jailed for killing police

A court in East Timor jailed four soldiers for between 10 and 12 years for killing policemen during last year’s wave of factional violence.

The government’s dismissal of 600 soldiers had prompted a series of protests that degenerated into violence, leaving 37 people dead and forced more than 100,000 from their homes.

Judges at the Dili court found the four soldiers – Raimundo Madeira, Nelson Fransisco, Fransisco Amaral and Armindo da Silva – guilty of homicide in a shooting spree near the national police headquarters in May 2006.

The 600 soldiers, more than one third of the entire defence force, were sacked after they had lodged a petition alleging discrimination in the institution by the government of then-prime minister Mari Alkatiri.

The new government led by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao, an independence hero, has been trying to hold dialogue with the former soldiers with little success.

Predominantly Catholic East Timor voted in 1999 to break away from more than 23 years of Indonesian rule in a violence-marred UN-sponsored referendum.

Timor Leste Appreciates Cuban Educational Aid

Havana, Nov 23 (acn) Timor Leste’s Prime Minister, Xanana Gusmao, thanked Cuba for its cooperation in the field education through the “Yes, I can” teaching method which has been widely implemented in that nation in southeast Asia.

Gusmao -along with interim Parliament President, Vicente Guterres, Education Minister, Joao Cancio, and the Cuban ambassador, Ramon Hernandez- presided over the graduation ceremony of 400 students from Timor Leste who learn to read and write in three months thanks to the Cuban teaching method.

The national literacy campaign undertaken in Timor Leste, which is been supervised by eleven Cuban experts, includes 231 classrooms throughout the country, reports PL news agency.

During his speech at the event, Gusmao ratified the government’s commitment to support the educational programs in that nation where nearly 50 percent of the population is illiterate.

The ceremony was also attended by delegates from the Catholic Church, the United Nations special representative and the diplomatic corps in the capital Dili.

Cuban News Agency

As Security Council Travels to East Timor, Rights Groups Call For Justice and Accountability

. John M. Miller (ETAN), New York +1/917-690-4391;
. Yasinta Lujina (Lao Hamutuk), Dili +670/723-4339;
. Rafendi Djamin, Coordinator, (Human
Rights Working Group), Jakarta, +62/81311442159;
. Dr Clinton Fernandes, (Australian
Coalition for Transitional Justice in East
Timor), Canberra , +61/2 6268 8847;
. Paul Barber (TAPOL), Britain, +44/1420
80153; +44/774 730 1739;

An open letter from a worldwide coalition of
human rights organizations has called on the UN
Security Council to act for substantive justice
for the East Timorese people, as a council
delegation travels to Timor-Leste. The East
Timorese suffered countless war crimes and crimes
against humanity during the Indonesian military’s
illegal occupation. The letter rejects the
Indonesian government’s attempts to escape accountability.

The letter is signed by representatives of more
than 60 organizations from 15 countries, who call
on the Security Council “to act forcefully for
justice for the people of Timor-Leste,” by
implementing the relevant recommendations
of East Timor’s Reception, Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CAVR).

The letter applauds the UN Secretary-General’s
decision not to give legitimacy to the bilateral
Commission for Truth and Friendship (CTF), unless
its terms of reference are substantially changed.
The CTF and Indonesia’s Ad Hoc Human Rights Court
“have proven manifestly unsuitable in both design
and implementation to the task of delivering
justice in accordance with international law,”
the letter states. Instead, the council should
create an international criminal tribunal or
fully reconstitute the Serious Crimes process
with sufficient resources and international
backing to investigate crimes committed during
the 24-year occupation, not just in 1999. A total
of 290 individuals already indicted under the
Serious Crimes process remain at large in
Indonesia, outside the jurisdiction of courts in Timor-Leste.

The letter says that the recent inquest into the
killing of journalists in Balibo, East Timor, in
1975 is the only recent formal investigation into
the many crimes committed in East Timor before 1999.

The letter notes that there is widespread support
for substantive justice within Timor-Leste,
especially by the Church and civil society and
insists that the international community, as
embodied in the United Nations, must be involved
in addressing crimes which violated international
criminal law, the UN charter, and Security Council resolutions.

The letter is timed to coincide with the official
visit of the UN Security Council’s mission to
take place the last week in November 2007.

“An international norm has crystallized against
impunity”, said Dr Clinton Fernandes of the
Australian Coalition for Transitional Justice in
East Timor, a signer. “The UN Security Council
must reinforce this norm by ensuring that those
bearing responsibility for war crimes and crimes
against humanity are brought to justice.”

Signers include human rights groups from
Indonesia, Timor-Leste, elsewhere in Asia,
Australia, New Zealand, United States, and
Europe. The full text of the letter in English
and Bahasa Indonesia with a complete list of
signers can be found at

Inside Indonesia Review: A not-so-distant horror: Mass Violence in East Timor

[Order book from ETAN by going to ]

Inside Indonesia

Review: A not-so-distant horror: Mass Violence in East Timor

Joseph Nevins challenges the idea that external powers simply failed to act in the face of the brutal occupation of East Timor.
Joseph Nevins
Ithaca, New York, Cornell University Press, 2005 ISBN 0801489849 A$24.00

Joseph Nevin, in his book A Not-So-Distant Horror: Mass Violence in East Timor, challenges the idea that external powers simply failed to act in the face of the brutal occupation of East Timor. He demonstrates convincingly that foreign governments such as those in the USA, UK, Japan and Australia among others, actively colluded with and supported the Indonesian authorities before the 1975 invasion, throughout the occupation, and during the violent transition to independence in 1999. Yet, like those responsible in Indonesia, they have not been held to account for the atrocities which ensued.

His account is intensely personal, yet powerfully researched and analytical, with responsibility for the lives and deaths of East Timorese people at the forefront. Nevin is morally perturbed that their ‘ground zero’ of September 1999 didn’t rate in comparison to 9/11, perhaps because the horror seemed too distant; yet he shows that those responsible for enabling it to happen were in fact all ‘close to home’ in the complicit western countries, and actively frustrating the UN’s ability to bring about justice.

This book draws attention not only to the support which successive pro-Indonesian governments provided, among them lethal military equipment, weapons, and military training, financial investment, trade, aid, and diplomatic comfort, but also the way these governments have re-written history to suggest that they ‘did all they could,’ or that their ‘generosity’ helped establish the new nation. In fact, as Nevin shows, they have survived with impunity, some continue to frustrate Timor-Leste’s aspirations, and their failure to acknowledge responsibility means an absence of reparations. Thus Timor-Leste’s absolute poverty, a form of structural violence, is the result of such treacherous memorialising and the complete failure of international accountability. Nevin documents this all too well. ii

Reviewed by Janet Hunt (

SE Asian coverage of Aussie elections

New Aussie Worldview; Australia’s new PM is old Asia hand

The Jakarta Post

Tuesday, November 27, 2007


Thanks, John; Hello, Kevin

A change of guard in a country almost anywhere in the world would be
widely welcomed. This is precisely the mood in most of Asia after
this weekend’s elections in Australia.

Underpinning the message was not so much that people had become tired
of John Howard and his sometimes controversial policies; but rather
that it was time for a change of leader, through a democratic
process, after more than 11 years. Bottom line, they are saying, it’s
about time Australia had a new leader.

It could have been Kevin Rudd, the head of the victorious Labor
Party, or it could have been Peter Costello, who would have succeeded
Howard in the Liberal Party leadership had the latter stepped down
before elections. Asia would have settled for either man. Even had
Australians returned Howard to Canberra, we would have lived with it.

It’s easy to condemn a dead man, but we don’t think it’s fair or
ethical. Some of the commentaries and editorials on the Australian
election over the last two days have been unkind to Howard,
especially his Asian policies.

Inadvertently, they are placing too great of expectations on Rudd.
They are working on the presumption that Australia’s foreign policy,
especially toward Asian, will drastically change under the new
leadership. That remains to be seen.

One thing we have to remember is Australia’s foreign policy in the
last 11 years has progressively brought it closer to Asia. There was
not that drastic a change in direction from the time of the Labor
Party’s Paul Keating, who Howard succeeded in 1996.

Their differences, especially when it comes to Indonesia, were more
style than substance. Howard was just too abrasive for Asian culture,
but he was just being a good-natured Australian. Among Australians,
as affable as Keating was to Asians, he was the exception to the rule.

For much of the past 11 years or so, Indonesia and Australia have
gone through many good and bad times together.

The removal of East Timor from the equation, after its violent
separation from Indonesia in 1999, was in retrospect a boon to the
relationship. Since then, no single issue has dominated bilateral
dealings, and each problem that has come up has been addressed
individually without dragging down the entire relationship.

Howard, who survived four Indonesian presidents (B.J. Habibie,
Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Soekarnoputri and Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono), had the unenviable task of healing the wounds inflicted
on Indonesian leaders after the loss of East Timor. (As a side note,
it was Habibie not Howard who hastily decided to hold the referendum
in East Timor that eventually led to the violent separation. Blame
Habibie, not Howard.)

During Howard’s tenure, Indonesia and Australia went through many
tragedies together, from the deadly Bali bombings in 2002 that killed
many Australian tourists and other, smaller, terrorist attacks, to
the devastating 2004 tsunami in Aceh that saw a massive global
outpouring of sympathy, and the death of nine Australian soldiers
while on a humanitarian relief operation on Nias Island.

Howard established a good rapport, especially with Yudhoyono,
Indonesia’s first directly elected president, so much so they are now
on a first name basis. They brought their relationship to a level
playing field, in which no one patronized the other, unlike the
relationships between previous leaders.

This is a model of the kind of relationship we should have, one in
which each feels comfortable and at ease with the other, and one that
is built more on our shared values and shared interests, while
respecting our differences (which are many).

Rudd’s track record, and particularly his knowledge of Asia, may have
impressed many in Asia, which adds to the welcoming tone of the
commentaries of the past three days. But like the Australians who
voted him in, we have to wait and see what kind of prime minister he
is. The signs are positive, and let’s hope that he lives up to our

On that note, it is only appropriate that we acknowledge the services
of the outgoing prime minister, especially since he has been with us
for the last 11 years, through good and bad, and greet his successor
and wish him the best of luck.

Thank you, John; welcome, Kevin.


The Straits Times (Singapore)
Tuesday, November 27, 2007


New Aussie worldview

AUSTRALIAN voters could be presaging a positive change in Canberra’s
foreign policy priorities in repudiating the conservative coalition’s
Mr John Howard at the weekend, in favour of the Labor Party under Mr
Kevin Rudd. The most plausible re-orientation would be deeper
collegial ties with China, the biggest buyer of Australian ores and
energy and a primary factor in the nation’s extended boom. Australia
in this century of shifting continental polarity would be wise to
build a special relationship with China, down to dampening America’s
expectation that it help provide military support if Taiwan faces
problems with the mainland. Growing opinion in Australia sees this as
not just a matter of prudence in knowing on which side its bread is
buttered, and will be for years if China grows without let.

Ideologically, Labor prime ministers Gough Whitlam, Bob Hawke and
Paul Keating had an institutional understanding with Asia, China in
particular, partly on account of the party’s working-class roots.
This should develop anew under Mr Rudd. It will be helped by the fact
he is a fluent Mandarin speaker.

Better relations with China need not necessarily come at the expense
of the United States relationship – which partly cost Mr Howard, an
unabashed cheerleader for the US – but the new American president who
takes over in a little over a year cannot take for granted Canberra’s
acquiescence in Pacific strategic issues. Australia’s participation
in an emergent American Pacific security web with India and Japan,
projected no doubt as a watching brief on China, can no longer be
assumed. Mr Rudd has already distanced himself from the US and Mr
Howard over the Kyoto treaty on climate protections. He says he will
ratify it and follow up by attending the Bali climate conference next
month. The Kyoto decision will place Australia on the rational side
of the environmental argument. He also intends to reduce the
Australian military contingent in Iraq, although he can expect tough
persuasion by the US in what the Americans view as a fundamental
commitment. All told, America may need to rework its sums concerning
Australia despite Mr Rudd saying the security alliance with the US
was a linchpin policy.

Mr Rudd’s intention to visit Indonesia as his first overseas call is
customary for modern Australian leaders, and doubly welcome for the
emphasis it places on long-standing South-east Asia ties. Singapore
will be calculating anew whether a new government unburdened by
baggage would be more receptive to a bid by Singapore Airlines to fly
the Australia-US route. Labor is a party built on unions, but Mr Rudd
is showing no signs of insularity.

Asia Times Online

Tuesday, November 27, 2007

Australia’s new PM is old Asia hand

By Andrew Symon

SINGAPORE – Perceptions can play an important role in shaping
international relations and here Australia’s prime minister-elect,
Kevin Rudd, will take office with some advantages, especially in Asia.

As a fluent Mandarin speaker – the only Western leader of government
now or ever, at least in contemporary times, with this ability – the
one time diplomat will clearly be able to gain Beijing’s interest and
attention. This must carry benefits in diplomatic, security and trade
negotiations when leaders meet on a bilateral basis or in multilateral forums.

Already this has been demonstrated at the Asia-Pacific Economic
Cooperation leaders’ meeting in Sydney in September. As parliamentary
leader of the federal Australian Labor Party, then the main
opposition party, the 50-year-old Rudd joined Prime Minister John
Howard in welcoming Chinese President Hu Jintao to Australia. Rudd
broke into Mandarin after a brief introduction in English, upstaging
Howard. Rudd later had a 30-minute meeting with Hu without resort to
interpreters. And during the recent election campaign he was
interviewed by Chinese television in Mandarin several times.

Appearances and style do count. While a Rudd Labor government will
not depart radically from the foreign and security policies of
Howard’s conservative Liberal-National Party government, the
relationship with the US and the Bush administration will not be the
sort of lock-step affair that characterized ties between Canberra and
Washington under Howard.

Rudd will demonstrate to Asia that his government is more independent
of Washington through his commitment to withdraw combat troops from
Iraq and sign the Kyoto Accord on reducing the growth of greenhouse
gas emissions and combating global warming. Australia will remain a
loyal ally of the US but Rudd should torpedo the view of some in Asia
of Canberra having a subservient relationship with Washington.

At the same time, Rudd has repeatedly affirmed that the US alliance,
under the broad framework of the 1951 Australia-New Zealand-United
States Security Treaty (ANZUS), will continue to be a cornerstone of
Australian foreign and defense policies. The US military will
continue to maintain important communications centers in the US
satellite defense system and Australia will host joint and
multi-country military operations with the US. Late on Saturday, with
Labor’s success in the election secured, Rudd spoke with President
Bush and plans to visit Washington early next year.

Australia will remain a loyal, although more independent ally of the
US. This has been very much the usual Labor Party position in
government despite left-wing elements in the party opposed to the US
alliance. The troop withdrawal is more symbolic, with Australia
having only 550 combat soldiers in Iraq and Rudd saying Australia
will continue to provide aid for Iraqi reconstruction. But these
initial measures over Kyoto and Iraq are important and will be seen
by Asian governments and public opinion as marking a new era for
Australia on the regional and international stages.

Already, Indonesia’s President Bambang Yudohoyono has invited Rudd to
attend the key United Nations meeting in Bali in December to
determine a successor framework to the Kyoto Accord when that expires
in 2012, while Malaysia’s leader, Abdullah Badawi, says Rudd’s Iraq
plan will “improve the country’s international standing”.

Australia under Labor will put more emphasis on pursuing Australian
objectives through multilateral diplomacy in the UN and regional
forums as against the more bilateral style of Howard’s government and
in particular its very heavy weighting on close alignment with the US
position. It was the lack of UN support for the US’s Iraq invasion in
2003 that is the reason for Labor’s opposition to Australian troop
deployment, in contrast to Labor’s support for the first Gulf War in
1990-91 when in government under Bob Hawke, and Labor’s support for
the UN sanctioned military invasion in 2001 against the al-Qaeda-
supporting Taliban regime in Afghanistan after the September 11,
2001, terrorist attacks on the US.

Indeed, there are suggestions that Australia will increase its forces
in Afghanistan as it withdraws from Iraq. Rudd in fact may find that
Afghanistan becomes an early concern as the apparent strengthening of
Taliban forces point to a long struggle ahead. And the situation
there has started to come into sharper focus for the Australian
public with four soldiers killed in fighting in the last few months.

Looking ahead at US-Australia relations, should the Democrats take
the presidency in the US in 2008, which seems very likely, then
almost certainly Canberra, under the moderately left of center Labor
government, and Washington will see eye to eye on the importance of a
multilateral system, the Middle East, Iraq, Kyoto, global warming and
many other issues

In Australia’s relations with Asia, there will be many continuities
with the outgoing John Howard government, with Rudd’s government
building further on work done over the last 11 years.

Howard was perhaps unfairly seen in Asia, especially in his earlier
years as prime minister, as being not particularly comfortable in
Asia and in some ways more of a 1950s and ’60s man, preferring an
old-fashioned Australia tied closely to Britain.

Yet many overlook the fact that Howard presided over an unprecedented
strengthening of Australia’s economic links with China, driven
especially by exports of Australian mineral, energy and agricultural
commodities and increasing Chinese investment in Australia. There has
also been remarkable growth in the numbers of immigrants from China
settling in Australia as well as growth in students studying and
tourists visiting down under.

Under his watch, China’s Hu addressed the Australian Parliament in
October 2003, the first time this was done by any Asian leader, a day
after the address by George W Bush. Negotiations for a free trade or
preferential trade agreement with China were also begun, following
the US-Australia Free Trade Agreement signed in 2004.

The Howard government also differentiated – although probably
regretting that it did so publicly – Australia’s policy over Taiwan
from that of the US. In August 2004, then foreign minister Alexander
Downer during a visit to Beijing said that under the ANZUS Treaty,
Australia was not automatically committed to provide military support
to the US in any Taiwan Strait crisis.

This is true as the treaty in fact is short and quite general
although Australia is still obligated under the treaty to act
diplomatically with the US in such a situation. Rudd, then shadow
foreign minister, more carefully stated that Australia’s interest was
to see the use of peaceful means to deal with tensions and that
Australia was not obliged to say what it would or would not do in the
event of a crisis in the Taiwan Strait.

As far as Southeast Asia is concerned, Howard also sought to
strengthen relations after a fairly passive start. Relations with
Indonesia, especially, plummeted as a result of Australia’s military
support for East Timor’s independence as the head of the UN force
sent in 1999 to pacify the country after Indonesian military inspired
militias went on a rampage. Here the US alliance was important as
Washington pressured Jakarta to “invite” the UN to send the force,
although the US did not contribute American troops.

Relations though have been rebuilt with Jakarta, as symbolized by
Howard’s effort to attend Yudhoyono’s inauguration in August 2004,
the only leader outside the Association of Southeast Asian Nations
(ASEAN) to do so. Underlining further the effort that Howard’s
government has put into Indonesia-Australia relations is the new and
broad security pact signed between the two countries in November
2006, replacing a 1995 agreement that was jettisoned by Jakarta
during the Timor crisis.

As far as Southeast Asia and Asean as a whole are concerned, again
the Howard government can boast of real advances. Australia is
pursuing a free trade agreement with ASEAN and on the diplomatic and
security front has signed the 1976 ASEAN Treaty of Amity and
Cooperation, after some concern that it might cut against ANZUS, so
that Australia could become a founding member of the East Asia
summit, first held in Kuala Lumpur in December 2005, joining the 10
ASEAN countries, Japan, China, South Korea, India and New Zealand.

Despite all this, Australia’s relations with Asia have probably been
hurt by measures Howard took in response to Islamic extremism and
terrorism internationally and the possible threat to Australia
domestically, especially in the wake of the Bali bombings in October 2002.

The specter of Islamic terrorism within Australia has led to an
alarming degree of xenophobia. As many leading figures – from former
conservative prime minister Malcolm Fraser to former Labor prime
minister Paul Keating – warn, Bali has encouraged a climate of
suspicion, insularity and narrow nationalism, seriously eroding the
strong multicultural and multiracial policies and attitudes that had
developed under both conservative and Labor governments since the 1970s.

Severe new security laws have been established, there has been often
heavy-handed detention of illegal immigrants from the Middle East, an
“Australian knowledge and values” test has been established that
immigrants must pass before gaining Australian citizenship, and there
have been some nasty cases of street abuse and racism towards
Australians of Middle Eastern and also African background.

All this has reinforced the still sometimes strong view among people
in Asia that Australia is still beset by racism. So a critical task
of the Rudd government will be to re-cast and re-assert a
non-discriminatory and “fair go” Australia. This will in turn enhance
Australia’s moral capital and “soft power” in regional and
international forums.

To this end, what also will not have escaped notice in Asia is the
fact that Rudd’s daughter, Jessica, recently married an Australian of
Chinese background. In election night celebrations on Saturday in
Brisbane they were both on stage and under the spotlight with the
rest of the immediate Rudd family. While interracial marriages are
hardly a big deal in Australia – and of course there are plenty in
Asia, Europe and North America – it does help to promote Australia as
the open, tolerant and inclusive country that Rudd has declared is
his objective to strengthen.

Andrew Symon is a Singapore-based journalist and analyst. In
Australia he worked in the Senate of the national Parliament and as a
ministerial speech writer in the 1980s. He has been working in
Southeast Asia since 1992.


Joyo Indonesia News Service
==== ========= ==== =======

Will Gusmao ask for the Oil back?

Gusmao invites Rudd to E Timor

Posted 6 hours 12 minutes ago

The office of East Timor’s Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao says he has invited the newly-elected Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd to visit the tiny nation next month.

In a phone call to Mr Rudd, who won in a landslide victory over John Howard on Saturday, Mr Gusmao congratulated the new leader and extended an invitation to stop in Dili “even if only for a few hours,” the office’s statement said.

“Your visit will represent a strong indication of the continuing friendship and cooperation between our two nations.”

He suggested that the visit could take place before or after Mr Rudd attends a global climate change meeting in neighbouring Indonesia next month.

Some 900 Australian troops are currently in East Timor after being deployed in May last year to restore calm following clashes between local security force factions on Dili’s streets that left at least 37 people dead.

The Australian-led International Stabilisation Force is providing support to some 1,700 UN police who are also on patrol.


Successful weapons recovery operation concludes in Dili district

26 November 2007 – The United Nations Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT) today announced that its police officers, working alongside their Timorese counterparts with support from the International Security Forces (ISF) have completed a successful weapons recovery operation in a troubled district in the capital city.

The Dili district of Bairro Pite is often the scen of fighting between gangs. Police and army officers have recently seen weapons being used during fights, according to UNMIT.

“Operation Weapons Sweep” began on Wednesday and concluded on Saturday after recovering an assortment of weapons ranging from bows, arrows, machetes, sling shots, knives, spears and homemade guns.

Community officials also participated in the Operation by assisting police in searching homes based on the written authorization of their owners, UNMIT said.

“Involving community officials in police work is essential for reducing the incidence of gang violence on Dili streets,” said Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s Special Representative for Timor-Leste, Atul Khare.

“It sends a strong message to those indulging in the violence that it will not be tolerated by the community itself, or by law enforcement authorities, and collectively we will move to confiscate the weapons needed to execute violence,” he said.

Male Leaders in Timor-Leste Give Voice to End Violence Against Women.

UNIFEM Timor Leste

Media Release

Male Leaders in Timor-Leste Give Voice to End Violence Against Women.

26th November, 2007.

For immediate release.

As part of the International 16 Days of Activism Campaign to End Violence Against Women UNIFEM, with support from UNMIT, the Secretary of State for the Promotion of Equality (SEPI) and the Association of Men Against Violence (AMKV) will launch a multi-media campaign on the 26th of November to capitalize on the commitment of Timor-Lestes leaders to end violence against women.

Eleven of Timor-Lestes foremost figures, such as RDTL President Dr. Jose Ramos Horta, RDTL Prime Minister, Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao, and the President of National Parliament, Fernando Lasama de Araujo will share their status and sentiments on violence against women, to the nation, in a campaign that will reach all thirteen districts of the country. A series of posters, radio and television public service announcements have been developed in an effort to heighten public focus, awareness and government response in the country on violence against women.

Dr Rui Araujo, Timor-Lestes former Vice Prime Minister and Minister for Health and current Special Adviser on Policy Implementation and Management Strengthening to the Ministry of Health, echoed the message and theme of the campaign, suggesting, there is a widely disseminated misperception that gender is a womens issue. It is important to promote the role of men in advocating gender issues. Men, and the state, have to become greater advocates for ending violence against women.

The participation of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Timor-Leste, Dr. Atul Khare, in the campaign demonstrates the commitment of the UN and the international community to ending violence against women:

Attempts to end violence against women must of course begin at a national level, said Dr Khare, however, there is widespread international recognition of the debilitating effects that such violence has on society, and the international community has an important role to play in helping to end it.

The campaign will complement a baseline study on the prevalence of, and attitudes towards, sexual and gender-based violence conducted as part of the UNIFEM programme Supporting Community- Led Initiatives to Promote Womens Engagement in Peace Building and Prevention of Sexual Violence in Timor-Leste.

Preliminary findings of the baseline study reveal sexual exploitation as particularly common in the borderline sub-district of Covalima. In contrast, discussing the issue of sexual violence remains taboo in Bobonaro, where the community largely remains silent on the subject.

In an effort to raise community awareness as a prevention strategy towards violence against women, workshops on findings of the baseline study will be held in the 16 days of activism period, with UNIFEM supporting workshops conducted by the Asia Pacific Support Collective-Timor Leste (APSCTL) on the reporting back of baseline findings in Maliana and Suai as well as community discussions on domestic violence and violence against women in Iliomar, Lospalos, being implemented by AMKV.

UNIFEM, which works to promote women’s empowerment, rights and gender equality worldwide, in Timor-Leste, runs in-country programs seeking to further champion womens empowerment in democratic governance as well as advocating for a platform within the countrys nascent democracy to eradicate violence against women. Their Timor-Leste Programme Supporting Community-led Initiatives to Promote Womens Engagement in Peace-building and Prevention of Sexual Violence (SGBV) is a two-year programme aimed at developing community based responses to SGBV and promoting womens engagement in local conflict reconciliation and peace building initiatives.

For more information, please contact;

Chris Parkinson
UNIFEM Timor Leste
p. (+670) 726 3773

Kevin Rudd

Kevin Rudd (from the Latham Diaries)

Towards the end of Question Time, Rudd asked Downer a legitimate question about Kopassus:* have they been cooperating with the terrorist outfit, Laskar Jihad? But straight after, Rudd raced up to the Indonesian Embassy to explain himself, petrified they might take offence. He’s not in this to win public support for Labor. He’s just an insider in the Canberra foreign-policy establishment. There was no need to explain himself to the Indonesians. It was just a question, and a good one at that.

(from Mark Latham, The Latham Diaries MUP, Melbourne 2005, p.202)

* Koppasus were one of the most violent Indonesian military groups involved in the occupation of Timor Leste

U.N. urges Indonesia to tackle police abuses

Torture widespread in Indonesian prisons: UN envoy

JAKARTA, Nov 23 (AFP) — Beatings and other forms of torture
are entrenched in much of Indonesia’s prison system, where a culture
of impunity reigns, a UN envoy said Friday.

UN special rapporteur on torture Manfred Nowak said vast improvements
were needed to the prison system despite Indonesia’s transition to
democracy since dictator Suharto stepped down in 1998.

“Although Indonesia has come a long way in overcoming the legacy of
the Suharto era in establishing a functioning democracy and the rule
of law and the protection of human rights, in my specific area —
torture and ill treatment — still much needs to be done,” Nowak said.

Nowak said there was no evidence of systematic torture across
Indonesia’s prison and police detention systems.

However the absence of a specific law against torture and poor
institutional oversight meant Indonesian prisoners were “extremely
vulnerable” to torture, he said in his final report from his 16-day visit.

The UN representative was given open access to 24 Indonesian
detention facilities across the sprawling archipelagic nation during his stay.

Torture was often used to extract confessions at Indonesia’s police
detention facilities, Nowak said, noting that prisoners often stayed
more than 20 days in police detention before being charged.

The dominant method of torture was beating, with a smaller number of
cases of prisoners being electrocuted and shot through the leg, Nowak said.

“In all the meetings with government officials, no one could cite one
case in which a police officer was ever found guilty and sentenced by
a criminal court for ill treatment or other abuse of a detainee,” Nowak said.

Evidence also existed of beatings against child prisoners, Nowak said.

Despite the grim picture, the UN representative said he found that
torture was rare or nonexistent in some facilities, including the
maximum security Nusa Kembangan island prison, which is home to the
condemned Bali bombers.

He also said he heard few complaints of torture in Indonesia’s
restive Papua region, where activists agitating against Indonesian
rule have been jailed.

The lack of mechanisms to prevent torture meant the attitude of the
leadership of detention facilities determined the frequencies of abuse.

“The recommendations are clear: to fight impunity by making torture a
crime; and by establishing effective independent complaints
mechanisms so that perpetrators of torture can be brought to
justice,” Nowak said.

Indonesia is widely considered to have made significant democratic
progress since the end of Suharto’s oppressive 32-year rule.

However, the country’s military, police and justice system have come
under criticism for continued corruption and disregard for basic human rights.


U.N. urges Indonesia to tackle police abuses

By Ed Davies

JAKARTA, Nov 23 (Reuters) – Indonesia has made great strides
combating rights abuses since autocratic president Suharto was ousted
in 1998, but torture of detainees in police custody still appears
rife, a U.N. investigator said on Friday.

Manfred Nowak, the U.N. special rapporteur on torture who is on a
two-week tour of detention centres across Indonesia, said he had
arrived at three police stations as beatings were actually in progress.

“The problem of police abuse appears to be sufficiently widespread as
to warrant immediate attention,” he said in a statement.

He said the types of police abuses reported, and backed up by medical
examinations, included beatings by fists, rattan or wooden sticks,
cables, iron bars and hammers.

In other instances, police had shot detainees in their legs from
close range, or electrocuted them, he said, adding that in most cases
the purpose appeared to be to extract confessions.

He urged Jakarta to speed up plans to make torture a crime and to
ensure that perpetrators were brought to justice.

“In all the meetings with government officials nobody could cite one
case in which a police officer was ever found guilty and sentenced by
a criminal court for ill treatment or other abuse of a detainee,” he
told a news conference.

Nowak urged that the time a suspect could be held in police custody
be limited to 48 hours, adding that detainees were more vulnerable to
abuses because they were liable to spend many weeks or even months in
police custody without seeing a judge.

He called for the settting up of an independent criminal
investigation mechanism against alleged perpetrators of torture along
with an effective complaints system.

Under Suharto’s rule, which ended amid mass protests, security forces
were routinely accused of abusing detainees.

Asked for his general conclusions on the situation in Indonesia now,
he said: “Certainly I cannot find that torture is systematic in the
country, it’s systematic in a few places.”

Nowak said that treatment in prisons he had visited appeared
generally better, including in Papua where security forces have been
accused of rights abuses. A low-level separatist insurgency has gone
on for decades in the remote area.

He noted, however, serious overcrowding in Jakarta’s Cipinang jail
and the Pondok Bambu pre-trial detention facility.

He also expressed concern about the high death toll, often officially
put down to natural causes, in some places of detention, where
autopsies were rarely carried out. The U.N. investigator visited
prisons, as well as police and military detention facilities in the
capital Jakarta, Papua, South Sulawesi, Bali, Yogyakarta and Central Java.

He is to submit a full report on his findings to the U.N. Human
Rights Council. (Editing by Roger Crabb)


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